I offer this anecdote in support of Jonahโ€™s position that the โ€œwar on drugsโ€ is not anti-Black . . . and as a cautionary tale on how easily moral situations in minority communities can be mischaracterized.

During the administration of first President Bush โ€” I forget the precise year โ€” there was an enormous push to generate local matching funds for the โ€œwar on drugsโ€ to access federal match grants. The authorities of Jackson County, Missouri (which includes much of Kansas City) duly designed a segregated (heh, heh) tax dedicated to more drug cops on the street, and more treatment programs for addicts.

My weekly paper, the K.C. Jones, fought the anti-drug levy. Our editorialists assailed the proposal not as legalizers, but as committed anti-taxers. We asked: what next? A dedicated levy for aggravated assault? For check-kiting? For jaywalking? Shouldnโ€™t law enforcement be a priority commitment of the countyโ€™s general fund?

Anyhow, in the denouement, we got our heads handed to us โ€” the tax passed by better than 60-40. But in one section of town, the margin was far greater: the โ€œFreedomโ€ wards (so named after the dominant political club), which are, demographically, 90-percent-plus African American. There, the margin favoring a tax to arrest, prosecute, and incarcerate drug pushers garnered nearly 80 percent of the vote โ€” despite the wailing of some โ€œleadersโ€ that the tax would increase profiling.

The moral: Donโ€™t presume that the high incidence of a vice in a community signals that the vice is widely approved. Communities plagued by substance addiction, violence, and sexual illegitimacy are also laden with angry victims of the same. Hands-on evangelicals understand this, and send their saints among the sinners. Political conservatives often do not.

โ€” Richard Nadler is president of the Americas Majority Foundation, a public-policy think tank in Overland Park, Kan.