EUObserver notices that the EU parliament may be in the process of pulling off a remarkable โ€œinstitutional coupโ€.

But first some background from the Financial Times:

Over the past decade, English has gradually replaced French as the EUโ€™s lingua franca. But in recent weeks the word most often on EU officialsโ€™ lips has been German: Spitzenkandidat.
The word โ€“ literally โ€œtop candidateโ€, or party-list leader โ€“ first entered the European lexicon in 2013 after the centre-left Party of European Socialists committed itself to naming a Spitzenkandidat for Mayโ€™s EU parliamentary election who would become the partyโ€™s choice for the EUโ€™s most high-profile job: European Commission president. The idea is to use the European parliamentary elections to select the next president of the European Commission when Josรฉ Manuel Barrosoโ€™s term finishes in October and thereby give more democratic legitimacy to the blocโ€™s executive arm.
New [Lisbon] treaty provisions mean EU leaders have to โ€œtake into accountโ€ the election results when selecting the commission president. But the leaders are divided over whether this means giving the job to a leading parliamentary candidate, adding huge uncertainty to the process of choosing who will run the blocโ€™s crucial executive arm.

Up until now, the job of picking the president has been the prerogative of the governments of the different member-states. Smoke-filled rooms (or their contemporary equivalent) and all that, but at least this approach kept alive, however tenuously, a direct connection with the national democratic process. The governments that made the decision were accountable to their national electorates. The EU parliament, by contrast, is a travesty of democracy, a representative body for a European โ€˜nationโ€™ that does not exist. Bossy, self-important and corrupt, itโ€™s greedy for power.

EUObserver explains:

[T]he European Parliament is in the process of staging a rather successful coup.
It has talked itself, and the rest of us, into a process that is not actually written in the treaty. That is that each political party puts forward a candidate to be commission president. And that person should become head of the EU executive if their political family win the most votes in the 22-25 May election.
โ€ฆWhile some EU leaders peered into the treaty and saw only that they must take the result of the elections โ€œinto accountโ€ when choosing the person for the job, MEPs saw Article 17 bis.
And they set about making turning this expansive interpretation into a realityโ€ฆ. If the candidates run around Europe telling people that they are actual contenders, and participating in political debates on TV (even if they are only webstreamed or shown on lesser-known channels), they create a truth of sorts.
And from a rather wobbly canโ€™t-distinguish-one-from-the-other they are gradually emerging with policies and debating styles. And they are naturally keen to stress the democratic nature of it all.
There more than a point or two of discussion on whether voters are aware of this โ€˜democracyโ€™ and indeed whether they consider the EU institutions at all when casting their โ€™second orderโ€™ โ€˜punish-the-home-governmentโ€™ vote.
But the upshot of it is that EU leaders- after paying so much lipservice on the need for the EU to be democratically legitimate โ€“ will be hard put not to choose one of these candidatesโ€ฆ.

The leading candidates are, on the center-right, a former Luxemburg prime minister, Jean-Claude Juncker, a less than Churchillian figure with, reportedly, a somewhat Churchillian fondness for the bottle, and, on the left, the German social democrat Martin Schulz, an irascible and unpleasant authoritarian who believes that euroskeptics are โ€œmentally weakโ€. Lagging behind those two is the Liberal, Guy Verhofstadt, a former prime minister of Belgium, a centrist who stands out only for the fanaticism of his euro-federalism, no small achievement in this company.

Meanwhile, the most recent results from EUโ€™s own Eurobarometer show that the EU is trusted by less than one-third of its citizens.