The Week

□ The 1988 campaign has already begun. Gary Hart is reportedly taking steps to change his name and age again.

□ The new Secretary of Labor, Bill Brock, faces shortterm opportunities and long-term systemic problems, reflecting changes in the composition of the labor movement. He also brings formidable assets to the job. Brock is on excellent personal terms with such traditional labor leaders as Lane Kirkland of the AFL-CIO and Owen Bieber of the UAW. Though they agree to disagree on such things as protectionism against the Japanese and a sub-minimum wage for teenagers, lines of communication remain open and friendly. The long-term problems are less genial. Big labor is losing membership and losing political clout. It is also likely to become increasingly black and brown, and, concomitantly, to move to the left politically and become more Third Worldish. The days of the George Meany and Lane Kirkland types are numbered. The notion, heretofore plausible, that big labor, whatever its faults, is anti-Communist will be called into question. It is possible to foresee a radicalized minority labor movement bidding for influence as a swing vote nationally, with a Jesse Jacksonized leadership. Under these circumstances, as they evolve, Brock can play an important tactical role: cultivating the moderates and the patriots, isolating the radicals.

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□ The 1988 campaign has already begun. Gary Hart is reportedly taking steps to change his name and age again.

□ The new Secretary of Labor, Bill Brock, faces shortterm opportunities and long-term systemic problems, reflecting changes in the composition of the labor movement. He also brings formidable assets to the job. Brock is on excellent personal terms with such traditional labor leaders as Lane Kirkland of the AFL-CIO and Owen Bieber of the UAW. Though they agree to disagree on such things as protectionism against the Japanese and a sub-minimum wage for teenagers, lines of communication remain open and friendly. The long-term problems are less genial. Big labor is losing membership and losing political clout. It is also likely to become increasingly black and brown, and, concomitantly, to move to the left politically and become more Third Worldish. The days of the George Meany and Lane Kirkland types are numbered. The notion, heretofore plausible, that big labor, whatever its faults, is anti-Communist will be called into question. It is possible to foresee a radicalized minority labor movement bidding for influence as a swing vote nationally, with a Jesse Jacksonized leadership. Under these circumstances, as they evolve, Brock can play an important tactical role: cultivating the moderates and the patriots, isolating the radicals.