Not To Be Confused with Coolidge

WHEN asked about his eleven-year reign as Vermont’s governor, Howard Dean likes to paint himself as a maverick who boldly fought for principles and unified his state on a platform of fiscal responsibility and social tolerance. Many Vermonters remember him differently. In fact, when you ask them about Dean, you hear the same words again and again: “Talented politician.” “Clever politician.” “He goes for a political opening when he sees it.” A review of Dean’s record reveals a slew of controversial stands, on such issues as public-land purchases, state spending, civil unions for gays and lesbians, and health insurance for poor families. Dean handled each of those issues differently, but he always kept his eye on one bottom line: maximizing his popularity and political power. “He didn’t fall off the turnip truck yesterday,” says Libby Sternberg, executive director of Vermonters for Better Education, a frequent opponent of the former governor on school-choice issues. “I don’t think he should be underestimated in terms of strategy.”

On the campaign trail, Dean touts his record as a budget cutter, bragging that liberals “hated him” for his fiscal conservatism. Actually, Vermont Republicans say a plan devised by Dean’s predecessor deserves much of the credit for shrinking their state’s deficit—and that Dean’s firm grip on state spending loosened considerably in his later terms. Dean was lieutenant governor when Gov. Richard Snelling, a Republican, died in August 1991. At that time, the state was facing a $65 million budget deficit. Dean surprised some state Democrats by keeping Snelling’s budget and spending-reduction plan in place, but he also extended some of his predecessor’s temporary tax hikes. He allowed a hike in the top income-tax rate to sunset, but asked the legislature to extend temporary increases in the sales tax, and to keep the meals tax and the 9 percent tax on hotel rooms.

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Jim Geraghty

Jim Geraghty is the senior political correspondent of National Review.

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Howard Dean

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WHEN asked about his eleven-year reign as Vermont’s governor, Howard Dean likes to paint himself as a maverick who boldly fought for principles and unified his state on a platform of fiscal responsibility and social tolerance. Many Vermonters remember him differently. In fact, when you ask them about Dean, you hear the same words again and again: “Talented politician.” “Clever politician.” “He goes for a political opening when he sees it.” A review of Dean’s record reveals a slew of controversial stands, on such issues as public-land purchases, state spending, civil unions for gays and lesbians, and health insurance for poor families. Dean handled each of those issues differently, but he always kept his eye on one bottom line: maximizing his popularity and political power. “He didn’t fall off the turnip truck yesterday,” says Libby Sternberg, executive director of Vermonters for Better Education, a frequent opponent of the former governor on school-choice issues. “I don’t think he should be underestimated in terms of strategy.”

On the campaign trail, Dean touts his record as a budget cutter, bragging that liberals “hated him” for his fiscal conservatism. Actually, Vermont Republicans say a plan devised by Dean’s predecessor deserves much of the credit for shrinking their state’s deficit—and that Dean’s firm grip on state spending loosened considerably in his later terms. Dean was lieutenant governor when Gov. Richard Snelling, a Republican, died in August 1991. At that time, the state was facing a $65 million budget deficit. Dean surprised some state Democrats by keeping Snelling’s budget and spending-reduction plan in place, but he also extended some of his predecessor’s temporary tax hikes. He allowed a hike in the top income-tax rate to sunset, but asked the legislature to extend temporary increases in the sales tax, and to keep the meals tax and the 9 percent tax on hotel rooms.