Books in Brief

The Life of the Parties: A History of American Political Parties, by A. James Reichley (Free Press, 467 pp., $27.95)

ELECTION campaigns end with a lot of what-ifs. This time around, what if Ross Perot had stayed in the race, and won? His assortment of followers—half from the Right, half from the Left—would have filled the new Administration’s appointive positions, while Congress was welcoming its 150 or more new members, most elected on their outsider credentials and beholden only to their constituents and God. The author says such a situation would ensure “paralysis” as we’ve not experienced it before, and he makes a spirited case for reviving the sagging fortunes of the major parties. Today, pervasive television and the growing power of interest groups have weakened both the parties and government in general, Reichley contends. To remedy the former, he wants to require every television and radio station to set aside a certain amount of prime time during the campaign season for use by the parties. As for the latter, he would outlaw political-action committees. He also favors voter registration by party identification and primaries open only to party members. There’s more to his case, and he argues it well. If his prescription for regenerated parties will replace career legislators and axe-grinding interests with “citizen legislators” motivated by a sense of public duty, let’s give the patient a dose.

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The Life of the Parties: A History of American Political Parties, by A. James Reichley (Free Press, 467 pp., $27.95)

ELECTION campaigns end with a lot of what-ifs. This time around, what if Ross Perot had stayed in the race, and won? His assortment of followers—half from the Right, half from the Left—would have filled the new Administration’s appointive positions, while Congress was welcoming its 150 or more new members, most elected on their outsider credentials and beholden only to their constituents and God. The author says such a situation would ensure “paralysis” as we’ve not experienced it before, and he makes a spirited case for reviving the sagging fortunes of the major parties. Today, pervasive television and the growing power of interest groups have weakened both the parties and government in general, Reichley contends. To remedy the former, he wants to require every television and radio station to set aside a certain amount of prime time during the campaign season for use by the parties. As for the latter, he would outlaw political-action committees. He also favors voter registration by party identification and primaries open only to party members. There’s more to his case, and he argues it well. If his prescription for regenerated parties will replace career legislators and axe-grinding interests with “citizen legislators” motivated by a sense of public duty, let’s give the patient a dose.