The Reasonableness of Conservatism

The opportunity to reflect on the conservative agenda in political philosophy is gratifying for many reasons, not the least of which is that it implies that conservatism respects or has need of reason. For if reason were not capable of guiding political action in some sense, then political philosophy would be of no use to conservatism, which could take its bearings simply from tradition. Indeed, much of the conservative thought of the past fifty years has been devoted to the depreciation of reason and the celebration of tradition, with the embarrassing result that conservatism today, whatever its practical successes, is in theoretical bondage to an unreasoning and unreasonable idea of tradition.

Conservatives have increasingly, in recent years, marshaled popular support and gained convincing victories on national policy questions, and they are now on the verge of their greatest success: the responsibility of actually governing the country. What will they do? As conservatism is supposed to be the politics of reality—and as half the definition of political philosophy is the philosophic treatment of politics—we should find a common ground on which to begin to answer this question in the philosophic treatment of the political realities facing a conservative Administration.

About the Author

Charles R. Kesler

Charles R. Kesler, a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College, is the editor of the Claremont Review of Books.

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The opportunity to reflect on the conservative agenda in political philosophy is gratifying for many reasons, not the least of which is that it implies that conservatism respects or has need of reason. For if reason were not capable of guiding political action in some sense, then political philosophy would be of no use to conservatism, which could take its bearings simply from tradition. Indeed, much of the conservative thought of the past fifty years has been devoted to the depreciation of reason and the celebration of tradition, with the embarrassing result that conservatism today, whatever its practical successes, is in theoretical bondage to an unreasoning and unreasonable idea of tradition.

Conservatives have increasingly, in recent years, marshaled popular support and gained convincing victories on national policy questions, and they are now on the verge of their greatest success: the responsibility of actually governing the country. What will they do? As conservatism is supposed to be the politics of reality—and as half the definition of political philosophy is the philosophic treatment of politics—we should find a common ground on which to begin to answer this question in the philosophic treatment of the political realities facing a conservative Administration.