The Home Front

It has become a bit of a conservative cliché to say that we are victims of our own success. Like a lot of clichés, this one contains some truth. We had a hand in defeating Communism, ending inflation, reforming welfare, cutting tax rates, and reducing crime, and so the public no longer needs us to accomplish these objectives. But we are also, and less paradoxically, victims of our own failure. We have failed to cut the federal budget, or rein in entitlements, or reduce the level of regulation; we have failed to uproot racial preferences or control the borders; we have largely failed to bring school choice to many of our cities; and it has been a while since we have even tried to do any of these things.

The opportunities for conservative reform have not been exhausted. The realization of those opportunities may, however, require two adjustments. The first is a matter of emphasis. Conservatism is both a political enterprise and a set of ideals, principles, and dispositions. It does not wish to become either an academic hobby or a patronage scheme. For the last twelve years, conservatives have grown ever more narrowly concerned with bringing about Republican electoral victories. They have maneuvered within the limits of the possible, but worked less and less to expand those limits. That set of priorities may have made sense at the time; but with conservatives out of power and conservatism out of fashion, it makes no sense now. By all means we should be thinking about the next election. But there is also long-term work to be done: the kind of work that can change the terms on which the third election from now is contested.

About the Author

Ramesh Ponnuru

Ramesh Ponnuru is the editor of National Review, a columnist for the Washington Post, and a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

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It has become a bit of a conservative cliché to say that we are victims of our own success. Like a lot of clichés, this one contains some truth. We had a hand in defeating Communism, ending inflation, reforming welfare, cutting tax rates, and reducing crime, and so the public no longer needs us to accomplish these objectives. But we are also, and less paradoxically, victims of our own failure. We have failed to cut the federal budget, or rein in entitlements, or reduce the level of regulation; we have failed to uproot racial preferences or control the borders; we have largely failed to bring school choice to many of our cities; and it has been a while since we have even tried to do any of these things.

The opportunities for conservative reform have not been exhausted. The realization of those opportunities may, however, require two adjustments. The first is a matter of emphasis. Conservatism is both a political enterprise and a set of ideals, principles, and dispositions. It does not wish to become either an academic hobby or a patronage scheme. For the last twelve years, conservatives have grown ever more narrowly concerned with bringing about Republican electoral victories. They have maneuvered within the limits of the possible, but worked less and less to expand those limits. That set of priorities may have made sense at the time; but with conservatives out of power and conservatism out of fashion, it makes no sense now. By all means we should be thinking about the next election. But there is also long-term work to be done: the kind of work that can change the terms on which the third election from now is contested.