Mr. Burnham’s Missing Sanctions

In two further comments on the proposal that Central Europe be neutralized, Mr. Bozell dissents while Dr. Niemeyer weighs the risks involved …

As I read his recent foreign policy proposals, James Burnham is asking us to adopt three basic changes in our thinking about foreign policy: 1) that we henceforth accommodate our views on World War III strategy to the value axioms of the Liberal Establishment; 2) that we regard withdrawal of Soviet troops from Eastern Europe as the number one objective of U.S. strategy; 3) that we regard Titoism as, in and of itself, “a step toward liberation.” If we go along with him thus far, Mr. Burnham is saying, we can deal sympathetically with his concrete proposal: that the U.S., in exchange for Soviet troop withdrawal, agree to the reunification of Germany as a neutral, demilitarized state. Let us, therefore, simply posit, as I believe Mr. Burnham does, that Germany is an asset of some strategic value to the West (I would add: a moral responsibility), and proceed to examine the three propositions on the strength of which Mr. Burnham would have the free world relinquish whatever stake it has in Germany.

LB

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L. Brent Bozell Jr.

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In two further comments on the proposal that Central Europe be neutralized, Mr. Bozell dissents while Dr. Niemeyer weighs the risks involved …

As I read his recent foreign policy proposals, James Burnham is asking us to adopt three basic changes in our thinking about foreign policy: 1) that we henceforth accommodate our views on World War III strategy to the value axioms of the Liberal Establishment; 2) that we regard withdrawal of Soviet troops from Eastern Europe as the number one objective of U.S. strategy; 3) that we regard Titoism as, in and of itself, “a step toward liberation.” If we go along with him thus far, Mr. Burnham is saying, we can deal sympathetically with his concrete proposal: that the U.S., in exchange for Soviet troop withdrawal, agree to the reunification of Germany as a neutral, demilitarized state. Let us, therefore, simply posit, as I believe Mr. Burnham does, that Germany is an asset of some strategic value to the West (I would add: a moral responsibility), and proceed to examine the three propositions on the strength of which Mr. Burnham would have the free world relinquish whatever stake it has in Germany.