THE WEEK

The United Methodist Hymnal Revision Committee, and God help us all if there is such a thing, desires to liquidate such barbarisms of past militarism and sexism as Onward, Christian Soldiers and The Battle Hymn of the Republic. Nor will Methodism be tainted by such terms as “all men” or “brethren.” It boggles the mind that survival of the fittest can terminate in such wimphood.

The opposition to the new tax-reform bill has just had time to regroup, and as usual it is led by real estate interests, who would lose even if all their tax shelters remained intact, for the simple reason that lower tax rates create less demand for those shelters. From the economic-growth side, the strategic imperatives are relatively simple: 1) Ditch the ill-considered scheme to end deductions six months before lowering rates, which is almost sure to induce a quickie recession during the penalty period. 2) Toss out the provisions regulating corporate pensions—thrown in as a sop to liberals and feminists—which prevent companies from using pensions as a more than proportionate reward for long service. And, above all, 3) keep the rates from creeping back up in the compromise. Holding the line is hardest during the last few minutes of play, but that’s when it’s most vital.

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The United Methodist Hymnal Revision Committee, and God help us all if there is such a thing, desires to liquidate such barbarisms of past militarism and sexism as Onward, Christian Soldiers and The Battle Hymn of the Republic. Nor will Methodism be tainted by such terms as “all men” or “brethren.” It boggles the mind that survival of the fittest can terminate in such wimphood.

The opposition to the new tax-reform bill has just had time to regroup, and as usual it is led by real estate interests, who would lose even if all their tax shelters remained intact, for the simple reason that lower tax rates create less demand for those shelters. From the economic-growth side, the strategic imperatives are relatively simple: 1) Ditch the ill-considered scheme to end deductions six months before lowering rates, which is almost sure to induce a quickie recession during the penalty period. 2) Toss out the provisions regulating corporate pensions—thrown in as a sop to liberals and feminists—which prevent companies from using pensions as a more than proportionate reward for long service. And, above all, 3) keep the rates from creeping back up in the compromise. Holding the line is hardest during the last few minutes of play, but that’s when it’s most vital.