The Week

Common Cause has uncovered an intriguing datum from the September 1 filing with the Federal Election Commission. It seems that business political action committees, which collect campaign contributions from executives and stockholders, gave $1.3 million to Republicans as of September 1, and $1.45 million to Democrats. The Democrats knew what they were doing when they passed the Campaign Reform Acts.

There will be lots more than candidates to vote for on the November 2 ballots: not only the usual state and local bond issues seeking approval, but a larger number than ever of state laws and constitutional amendments requesting voter ratification. In about half of these, big labor and big business are at dagger-point: California’s bitterly fought measure extending farm-labor organizing rights, for example; the Arkansas proposal to throw out that state’s right to work law; and in Maryland and Denver, a requirement of city residence for city employees. But in almost as many cases, big labor and big business are lined up in a tacit united front: against curbs on nuclear power expansion proposed for Ohio, Oregon, and Colorado; for a ban on no-return containers in Massachusetts and Michigan; against a Missouri move to exclude certain financing costs on utility construction from the rate base. Neither big business nor labor has taken, a firm position on dog racing in California.

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Presidential Election

William F. Buckley Jr.

Common Cause has uncovered an intriguing datum from the September 1 filing with the Federal Election Commission. It seems that business political action committees, which collect campaign contributions from executives and stockholders, gave $1.3 million to Republicans as of September 1, and $1.45 million to Democrats. The Democrats knew what they were doing when they passed the Campaign Reform Acts.

There will be lots more than candidates to vote for on the November 2 ballots: not only the usual state and local bond issues seeking approval, but a larger number than ever of state laws and constitutional amendments requesting voter ratification. In about half of these, big labor and big business are at dagger-point: California’s bitterly fought measure extending farm-labor organizing rights, for example; the Arkansas proposal to throw out that state’s right to work law; and in Maryland and Denver, a requirement of city residence for city employees. But in almost as many cases, big labor and big business are lined up in a tacit united front: against curbs on nuclear power expansion proposed for Ohio, Oregon, and Colorado; for a ban on no-return containers in Massachusetts and Michigan; against a Missouri move to exclude certain financing costs on utility construction from the rate base. Neither big business nor labor has taken, a firm position on dog racing in California.