sion or Connecticut. Marchi understands and speaks to the best of those qualities which have always defined America’s blue-collar class, while it cannot be denied that Procaccino appeals, if not exactly to the worst, then to those qualities which are more emotional than rational. Thus, Procaccino sits upon a slipping constituency, one side of which can slide toward Lindsay, the other to Marchi. And so his only choice, given certain noticeable limitations of appeal and intellectual depth, is to play hard on the discontent of the newly formidable white workers. And so still another paradox: Procaccino, most obviously the old politician of the crowd, emerges as the most vehement practitioner of the New New Politics.
John Marchi’s position is the most central, his initial strength being well fixed, with no one who voted for him in the primary likely to swing to Lindsay, whose majority, if it comes, must come from liberal Democrats. Marchi’s campaign has been the most impressive of the three. He is obviously the candidate with the most taste and brain power, and he never descends to the smear, as do Lindsay and his supporters Javits and Goodell.




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