The Gore Straddle

ON the face of it, Al Gore appears to have taken a sharp turn to the left at the Democratic convention. He vowed to pass the Kyoto global-warming accords, a major provision of which has already been rejected 95-0 by the Senate. He spoke more about how he would regulate trade than about how he would free it. Where President Clinton had promised to “mend” affirmative action, Gore said only that he would “defend” it. Since the defeat of the Clintons’ health-care plan in 1994, Democrats have said that they would pursue “health-care reform” step by step. Gore made it clear that the end point of reform was “universal health coverage”—i.e., national health insurance. He also came out for universal preschool. In 1996, Clinton opened the door a crack for school vouchers. Gore slammed it shut, saying he would oppose “any plan” that sent tax revenues to private schools.

As Gore told it, trade unions are more important to America’s future than the rising stock market. “I’m happy that the stock market has boomed and so many businesses and new enterprises have done well,” he said. “This country is richer and stronger. But my focus is on working families— people trying to make house payments and car payments, working overtime to save for college and do right by their kids.” Later in the speech, Gore told a success story about how administration policies had helped a woman leave welfare and become “a proud member of I.B.E.W. Local 288.” This is not a campaign for the New Economy. Gore is moving leftward, and backward: Add some attacks on “economic royalists” and take out the defense of abortion and the coded appeals to gays and lesbians, and his father could have given that speech 60 years ago.

About the Author

Ramesh Ponnuru

Ramesh Ponnuru is the editor of National Review, a columnist for the Washington Post, and a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

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ON the face of it, Al Gore appears to have taken a sharp turn to the left at the Democratic convention. He vowed to pass the Kyoto global-warming accords, a major provision of which has already been rejected 95-0 by the Senate. He spoke more about how he would regulate trade than about how he would free it. Where President Clinton had promised to “mend” affirmative action, Gore said only that he would “defend” it. Since the defeat of the Clintons’ health-care plan in 1994, Democrats have said that they would pursue “health-care reform” step by step. Gore made it clear that the end point of reform was “universal health coverage”—i.e., national health insurance. He also came out for universal preschool. In 1996, Clinton opened the door a crack for school vouchers. Gore slammed it shut, saying he would oppose “any plan” that sent tax revenues to private schools.

As Gore told it, trade unions are more important to America’s future than the rising stock market. “I’m happy that the stock market has boomed and so many businesses and new enterprises have done well,” he said. “This country is richer and stronger. But my focus is on working families— people trying to make house payments and car payments, working overtime to save for college and do right by their kids.” Later in the speech, Gore told a success story about how administration policies had helped a woman leave welfare and become “a proud member of I.B.E.W. Local 288.” This is not a campaign for the New Economy. Gore is moving leftward, and backward: Add some attacks on “economic royalists” and take out the defense of abortion and the coded appeals to gays and lesbians, and his father could have given that speech 60 years ago.