In my post on David Campbell and Robert Putnam, I asked the following question:
Iโd love to see the survey questions and results that led Campbell and Putnam to conclude that Tea Partiers have โa low regard for immigrants and blacks.โ
This was a very lawyerly question, which suggested skepticism on my part. But as my friend Gabriel Rossman, a sociologist at UCLA, pointed out to me, Campbell and Putnam were actually quite careful about the claim in question:
Iโm not positive, but Putnam and Campbell seem to be referring to this dataset, which I was not previously familiar with).
Heere is the 2006 baseline survey instrument, which contains the racial feelings questions.
Iโd like to get your feelings toward a number of well-known groups. Iโll read the name of a group and Iโd like you to rate that group using something we call the feeling thermometer. Ratings between 50 degrees and 100 degrees mean that you feel favorable and warm toward the group. Ratings between 0 degrees and 50 degrees mean that you donโt feel favorable and donโt care too much for that group. You would rate the group at the 50-degree mark if you donโt feel particularly warm or cold toward the group. Feel free to use the entire extent of the scale.
[Among the groups listed: gays and lesbians, blacks, whites, Asian Americans, Latinos, Jews, Catholics, Muslims, Evangelical Christians, etc.]
As you can see, they did not do the common thing of relying on questions about policies to ameliorate racial inequality (e.g., busing, โtoo much to support blacks,โ etc), but rather asked a general โfeeling thermometerโ and a 4 point Likert scale on trust. These kinds of questions do not directly involve government action or policy and thereโs no reason in principle that a devoted small government conservative couldnโt feel warmly towards and trust blacks. Whatโs more, these questions are vulnerable to social desirability bias and so probably represent a lower bound estimate of racial animus. Also note that they claim that the results are controlling for party ID and race, so it doesnโt seem like the analysis is skewed. On this limited evidence, Iโm inclined to say that itโs a fair dataset and a fair interpretation, though iโd want a lot more details if I were a peer reviewer.
My initial skepticism was not warranted. Campbell and Putnam do appear to have fairly represented the views of survey respondents, which, as Gabriel observes, โare vulnerable to social desirability bias.โ
I would like to have a better sense of the sentiments behind the feeling thermometer result, and I am curious as to how this relatively low regard manifests itself in practice, e.g., does it reflect negative experiences with members of outgroups or does it reflect a lack of exposure of members of outgroups. In The Ordeal of Integration, now very dated, Orlando Patterson found that whites who held anti-black sentiments were often those who remained in cities with large concentrations of African Americans in the years after the white flight era. Yet we also have suggestive evidence that the Americans most likely to hold anti-Muslim sentiments are those who donโt know any Muslims.
Campbell and Putnamโs finding will reinforce the belief that racial animus animates small government sentiments. This is tough to prove, and Iโd want to know much more before I accepted the premise. But this is a data point that merits at least some attention. The most obvious and mercenary reason is that the demographic composition of the U.S. electorate is changing, and those of who care about the size and scope of government need to find allies from all American groups, including the overlapping groups I belong to personally.






Comments