Ezra writes:

Yesterday, I asked Reihan Salam to give some evidence for his claim that there is โ€œa broad consensusโ€ among conservatives and โ€œlarge numbers of Republican lawmakersโ€ that Congress should pass further state and local aid measures. According to Reihan, the only holdup was that Republicans wanted the aid to be contingent on states developing fiscally sound long-term budgets. As soon as Democrats endorsed that, it would be all systems go.
But when asked to name some legislation, Reihan didnโ€™t come up with much. โ€œThat is the basic idea behind Sen. Scott Brownโ€™s Fiscally Responsible Relief for Our States Act,โ€ Reihan said. But Brownโ€™s proposal โ€” a proposal from one of the most moderate Republicans who is representing one of the most liberal states in the union โ€” doesnโ€™t have any co-sponsors, so itโ€™s hard to see how it represents a consensus.

I can see why Ezra doesnโ€™t share my perspective on this, but here it is: the fact that congressional Democrats in 2005 didnโ€™t offer alternative legislative language for Social Security reform does not mean that all congressional Democrats opposed some kind of reform for Social Security. Many congressional Democrats accepted the idea of some kind of Social Security reform โ€” lifting the earnings cap, adjusting the retirement age, etc. โ€” yet offering a legislative alternative was a move fraught with political downsides and no imaginable political upside.

I also think โ€œthe only holdupโ€ line is something Ezra is attributing to me โ€” there are many holdups, including intense mutual distrust that goes beyond partisan gamesmanship.

Iโ€™ll also note that I used a number of โ€œescape hatchesโ€ in my original post, e.g., what constitutes a โ€œlarge numberโ€? And what does it mean to support the idea in principle? I never would have made the claim that congressional Republicans have actually proposed legislation along these lines โ€” which Ezra considers the relevant test โ€” as thatโ€™s not the hallmark of the Republican congressional minority, with the exception of Reps. Paul Ryan and Devin Nunes and, in the Senate, Tom Coburn and perhaps Scott Brown.

Do I believe that a large number of Republican lawmakers would endorse โ€œcash-for-cutsโ€ as an alternative to unconditional grants to the states? Yes. I also think it would have to be part of a broader proposal that didnโ€™t increase overall spending and that reduced the tax burden. I do not consider this a realistic approach, which is why Republican Hill staffers arenโ€™t rushing to draft legislation along these lines. Yet my conversations with staffers and other policymakers suggest that a large number of Republican lawmakers are open to the idea of countercyclical aid to the states in theory. They just canโ€™t imagine congressional Democrats crafting a workable compromise.

Itโ€™s hard for me to imagine a universe in which a majority congressional Democrats would endorse both a tough โ€œcash-for-cutsโ€ proposal and back ARRA and PPACA.

I will happily acknowledge, however, that I canโ€™t read the minds of Republican lawmakers, which is why I focus on policy rather than legislative strategy.