of capital ownership offers them. Some, like Gary Bauer, cling to a Buchananite model of the politics of labor that is, as Nadler remarks, “ideologically leftist and demographically obsolete.” More commonly, they are so intent on disparaging Clinton that they disparage as well the rising Dow that has occurred on his watch. So what if the Dow is rising, they ask, if our popular culture has gotten filthier? But it has to help conservatives of all stripes if capital ownership makes people think harder about the long-term consequences of their actions and about the behavioral conditions of individual success. Moral dissolution and wealth accumulation are not a natural fit.
Democrats and union leaders have much greater reason to fear worker capitalism. Workers will rely more and more on what Bush calls “the security of ownership” and less and less on their ostensible protection. The Democratic party and the unions could well survive the transition and perhaps even prosper, but doubtless only as very different—and more market-oriented—institutions. It will certainly be fun watching them try to adapt.




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