Letter from Washington

Many analysts and commentators here, puzzled over what seems to be a lack of activity in the Ford campaign operation, have decided that it must be part of a grand strategy which calls for minimal stump appearances and maximum emphasis on day-to-day White House presidential duties. But according to many Ford campaign workers, that isn’t it at all. Instead, they say, the Ford campaign committee, a week after Labor Day, still hasn’t developed a coherent campaign strategy. As of this writing they are letting all their chips ride on the televised debates. The problem seems to be at the top. James A. Baker, Ford’s new campaign director, is generally viewed as a competent and disciplined executive, but his knowledge of politics, political strategy, and campaign logistics is negligible, and most knowledgeable Republican strategists here such as William Timmons, who is widely credited with pulling the Ford operation together during the final pre-Convention days, are no longer officially involved with the campaign committee. Alarmed over what is believed to be the lack of an effective campaign operation, some of the top Republican talent in town is putting together a new organization, Citizens for Ford, officially independent of the Ford campaign committee and the White House, which will carry the fight directly to Jimmy Carter by intensively researching his record as governor. They will point out the discrepancies in that record, and emphasize what they believe to be consistent inconsistencies in his campaign statements.

The confusion at Ford campaign headquarters is undermining Robert Dole’s efforts on the stump. Dole, called back from the campaign trails for several days of intensive conferences, hopes to tighten up his campaign, which he refers to as “a hit and miss operation.” His prepared speeches have been badly written and unenthusiastically received. His advances have been poor and his scheduling has become a joke among newsmen traveling with him. During the week before Labor Day, for instance, he was scheduled for a full-fledged news conference at each campaign stop in five states, a problem compounded by the total lack of White House briefings on such touchy issues as Administration policies in southern Africa. The problem, say Dole staffers, lies primarily back in Washington, where no one has yet taken firm control of the Ford campaign committee, which nevertheless insists on attempting to direct and coordinate Dole’s operations in the field. But Dole is insisting on better briefing backup and more autonomy. Although his staff is small and relatively inexperienced, he is expected to flesh it out with several former key Reagan aides, as well as a number of logistical experts from the Reagan campaign who can work at the nuts-and-bolts level.

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Henry Kissinger

Many analysts and commentators here, puzzled over what seems to be a lack of activity in the Ford campaign operation, have decided that it must be part of a grand strategy which calls for minimal stump appearances and maximum emphasis on day-to-day White House presidential duties. But according to many Ford campaign workers, that isn’t it at all. Instead, they say, the Ford campaign committee, a week after Labor Day, still hasn’t developed a coherent campaign strategy. As of this writing they are letting all their chips ride on the televised debates. The problem seems to be at the top. James A. Baker, Ford’s new campaign director, is generally viewed as a competent and disciplined executive, but his knowledge of politics, political strategy, and campaign logistics is negligible, and most knowledgeable Republican strategists here such as William Timmons, who is widely credited with pulling the Ford operation together during the final pre-Convention days, are no longer officially involved with the campaign committee. Alarmed over what is believed to be the lack of an effective campaign operation, some of the top Republican talent in town is putting together a new organization, Citizens for Ford, officially independent of the Ford campaign committee and the White House, which will carry the fight directly to Jimmy Carter by intensively researching his record as governor. They will point out the discrepancies in that record, and emphasize what they believe to be consistent inconsistencies in his campaign statements.

The confusion at Ford campaign headquarters is undermining Robert Dole’s efforts on the stump. Dole, called back from the campaign trails for several days of intensive conferences, hopes to tighten up his campaign, which he refers to as “a hit and miss operation.” His prepared speeches have been badly written and unenthusiastically received. His advances have been poor and his scheduling has become a joke among newsmen traveling with him. During the week before Labor Day, for instance, he was scheduled for a full-fledged news conference at each campaign stop in five states, a problem compounded by the total lack of White House briefings on such touchy issues as Administration policies in southern Africa. The problem, say Dole staffers, lies primarily back in Washington, where no one has yet taken firm control of the Ford campaign committee, which nevertheless insists on attempting to direct and coordinate Dole’s operations in the field. But Dole is insisting on better briefing backup and more autonomy. Although his staff is small and relatively inexperienced, he is expected to flesh it out with several former key Reagan aides, as well as a number of logistical experts from the Reagan campaign who can work at the nuts-and-bolts level.